|
While
the Christian Church had for centuries begun her inquiry into
Christology “from above,” humanistic rationalism
required
that
such inquiry begin “from below.” In other words,
while the
Church
had always begun with the deity of Yahushua and proceeded from there
to His humanity, the theology produced in the 19th Century (and which
still undergirds a great deal of the contemporary theology relating
to Christology) began “from below.”1 It
was reasoned that the earliest followers of Yahushua must have first
known Him as human and only then moved on to accept Him as divine.
Undoubtedly, from a strictly historical perspective, this must have
been the case. Moreover, one might welcome a Christology that begins
“from below” as a needed corrective to the
unbalanced
Christology
of the medieval Church in
which the strong emphasis upon the deity of Messiah tended to eclipse
His humanity.
Yet
when we comeYet
when we come to the Apostolic Scriptures and the Christology they
teach, just the opposite is
the case. Almost
unanimously do they present a Christology that begins “from
above.”
Surely this is most obvious with Yachanan (John), whose Prologue to
his Gospel describes the pre-existent Logos (Word)
becoming flesh. He does not diminish the humanity of Yahushua in
this, but rather makes clear that his starting point is “from
above,” not “from below.” His Prologue
begins
describing the
Word as already existing in the beginning, as having a relationship
with Elohim while at the same time being Elohim (1:1).
And the
concluding verse of the Prologue (1:18)
makes the same assertion: “The
only one, himself Elohim, who is in closest fellowship with
the Father, has made Elohim known.”2
The
Epistle to the Hebrews follows the same pattern. There the author
affirms the complete humanity of Yahushua: “Since the
children have
flesh and blood, He too shared in their humanity”
(Hebrews
2:14).
He “tasted
death”
(2:9)
and was made
perfect through suffering
(2:10).
Even more, He was
subjected to the same temptations as we are
(4:15)
and therefore
sympathizes with our weakness (5:8).
But this is
not where the author to the Hebrews begins his treatise. He begins
with the statement that when Yahweh spoke through the Messiah, He did
so through His Son (1:2)
who is the heir of all things and the
Creator of all things (1:2).
The Son is the effulgence of the
Father’s esteem and the express image of His being (1:3).
And the
author of Hebrews goes on to exclaim that as far as the highest
beings in creation are concerned, the Son is infinitely superior.
What messenger (messenger) was ever address by Yahweh as
“Son?”
And even more to the point, what messenger ever received the title
Elohim (1:8)?
Shaul
(Paul) follows the same pattern of a Christology that begins
“from
above.” In one of his earliest epistles, that written to the
Galatians, he wrote: “But when the fullness of the time came,
Eohim
sent forth His Son, born of a woman, born under the
Torah….” In 2
Corinthians 8:9, Shaul does
not describe Yahushua as moving from
poverty to riches via the resurrection, but just the opposite: “For
you know the grace of our
Master Yahushua Messiah, that though He was rich, yet for your sake
He became poor….”
And this same
incarnational
history, “from esteem to death to esteem again,”
gleaned
from
Yahushua’s own words in Yachanan 17, marks the structure of
the
confessional hymn that Shaul incorporates into his epistle to the
Philippians (2:5–11).
We
might expect the Synoptic Gospels, in which we have the record of
Yahushua’s birth and earthly life, to surely begin
“from
below”
in their portrayal of the Messiah, but in fact they do not. Mark begins
his Gospel: “The
beginning of the gospel of Yahushua
Messiah, the Son of Elohim.”3 Moreover,
Mark immediately quotes from Malachi 3:1 and applies it to Yahushua.
In the original context of Malachi’s prophecy, the words
apply to
“the Master” (הָאָדוֹן,
haAdon)
who “will suddenly come to His own Temple.”
Mark’s
story of the Messiah also begins “from above.” But
what of Mattithyahu (Matthew) and Luke? Do they follow this same
motif, of beginning “from above” in their
descriptions of the Messiah? Yes, they do, but in a special way: by
incorporating the story of the virgin conception.4 Mattithyahu
speaks of Miriam
(Mary), betrothed to Yoseph
(Joseph), being pregnant “before
they had come together”
(Mattithyahu
1:18). When
Yoseph was made aware of Miriam’s
pregnancy, he reacted as any pious man would—he determined to
severe the betrothal contract, but to do so in a discrete manner in
order to save Miriam public embarrassment. But then an heavenly
messenger also appears to Yoseph, alerting him to the fact that “the
child who has been conceived in her is of the Ruakh ha Qodesh (Holy
Spirit)” (1:20).
Mattithyahu goes on to relate that Yoseph took
Miriam as his wife but “kept
her a virgin until she gave birth to a
son” (1:25),
the obvious meaning of which is that he had no sexual
relations with her until after the birth of Yahushua. The words
“until she gave birth to a
son” likewise
imply quite clearly
that Yoseph and Miriam did have normal marital relations afterwards.
Mattithyahu also relates an important fact regarding the naming of
Yahushua: “and he
(Yoseph) called His name Yahushua”
(1:25).
Yoseph’s naming Yahushua was an act of adoption, thus
conferring
upon Yahushua all the rights of legitimate sonship.5
Mattithyahu
also connects the notice of the virgin conception to the words of Yeshayahu (Isaiah)
7:14, “Behold, a
virgin (הָעַלְמָה, ha‘almah)
will be with child and bear a son, and she will call His name
Immanuel” (see Mattithyahu
1:23). The Hebrew word ‘almah
does
not necessitate the meaning “virgin” but has a
wider sense
of “a
young, unmarried woman.” ‘Almah
could,
of course, include a virgin, as noted by the fact that Ribqah
(Rebecca), Yitshaq's
(Isaac) wife, is called an ‘almah
(Genesis
24:43). Yet in reality the
norm must have been that young,
unmarried
women in Yisra'el were virgins, for if they were not, severe
consequences could result (see Deuteronomy
22:13ff). Surely the Lxx
translators took ‘almah to
mean “virgin,” for they translated it with parthenos which
strongly implies virginity. It is interesting to note that every
Greek version of the Tanakh translates ‘almah
in Yeshayahu
7:14 with parthenos until
the translation of Aquila (c. 130 CE) who changed parthenos to neanis, “young
woman.” It is clear that Aquila’s translation was
driven by
a
concern to deprive Beievers of a “proof text” in
regard to
the
virgin conception of Yahushua, and this in itself proves
that parthenos was
widely understood to mean “virgin”.6
But regardless of the difficulties that the interpretation of Yeshayahu 7:14
presents,7 there
is no question about Mattithyahu’s use of this
text in his re-telling of the birth of Yahushua. Mattithyahu clearly
understood the ‘almah of
Yeshayahu
to be a virgin,
and that the prophecy looked forward to the conception and birth of
Yahushua.
Luke’s
account is essentially parallel to Mattithyahu’s except that
more
attention is given to the interchange between Miriam and the
messenger, and the esteem of her Son is made more explicit: “He
will be great and will be called the Son of the Most High; and Yahweh
Elohim will give Him the throne of His father Dawid”
(Luke
1:32).
Yet a question arises as to Miriam’s response when told that
she
would conceive and bear a son. She responds: “How can
this be,
since I am a virgin?”
The issue revolves around why Miriam
would
have thought that the conception would occur before she was finally
married to Yoseph. As a betrothed woman, why did she not presume that
the messenger’s promise would have been fulfilled after her
legitimate marriage to her betrothed? To postulate that she had taken
some kind of vow of perpetual virginity makes no sense - why then
would she have entered into a betrothal with Yoseph? Nor does the
text give
any indication that the messenger’s notice affected the
conception
immediately. He simply says,
“you will conceive….”
Is it possible that Miriam’s response betrays her sudden
state of
bewilderment at the messenger’s appearance and the bombshell
character of his message? We know that in other cases, people who
were confronted by an messenger had difficulty comprehending the
event. Zekaryah is said to have been
“troubled” and gripped with fear (Luke 1:12).
Yachanan
(Revelation
22:9)
mistakenly offers worship to his heavenly visitor.
Kepha (Peter), on the Mount of Transfiguration, blurts out that three
shelters should be built, when if he had thought more clearly, he
probably would not have made that suggestion (Luke 9:33).
So it is
reasonable to think that Miriam, startled by the appearance of the
messenger, must have thought it strange to be talking about children
when she was not yet married.
Despite
the questions that the birth narratives of Mattithyahu and Luke
raise, one thing is unequivocal: they
both present the
conception of Yahushua as a miracle of creation performed by the
Ruakh haQodesh upon Miriam. As such, the Gospel accounts of
Yahushua’s life conform to the descriptions found in the
Epistles,
which present a Christology that begins “from
above.” We
actually
should expect this to be the case since the Apostolic Scriptures were
written after the resurrection of Yahushua. None of His disciples
would have questioned His true humanity. They had walked with Him,
eaten meals with Him, and shared the common aspects of life with Him.
The questioning of His humanity awaited the rise of Gnosticism and
its effect upon various segments of the emerging Church. Rather, what
became amply clear to the Apostles following the resurrection of the
Messiah was the full reality of His divine nature. As such, the
descriptions found of Yahushua in the Apostolic Scriptures naturally
begin “from above” and move to a Christology
“from
below.”
ARE
MATTITHYAHU AND LUKE
REIABE WITNESSES
Confronted
with the clear message of Mattithyahu and Luke regarding the virgin
conception of Yahushua, some are discontent to receive their witness
as bona
fide. Some very
notable scholars have suggested that there might be reasons to
suspect the authenticity of these birth narratives. Not, mind you, on
the basis of actual readings in the extant manuscripts of the
Apostolic Scriptures, but by postulating a theory and finding supposed textual
“hints” to bolster it. The leading champion of
this approach is Bart Ehrman and his book The
Orthodox Corruption of Scripture.8 In short,
Ehrman’s theory is
that in the
emerging Christian Church, there were numbers of factions or sects
vying for pre-eminence in the establishment of Christian doctrine.
Through the theological debates of the 2nd and 3rd Centuries, the
“winners” established themselves as the voice of
“orthodoxy.”
They therefore had the power to banish the doctrines
of the “losers” and to expunge from the biblical
texts any
readings that supported their “unorthodox” beliefs.
Ehrman seeks proof for his theory by examining some textual variants
and interpreting their existence as motivated by theological concerns
of the scribes. Still, even he admits that the texts of Mattithyahu
and Luke, which affirm the virgin conception, are rock solid in terms
of the extant textual witnesses.9 So
what should we make of Ehrman’s suggestion? Is the universal
textual witness to the virgin conception of Yahushua the result of
the “winners” destroying manuscripts that would
have
challenged
the viability of this teaching? The
answer is simple: arguments from silence tell us nothing. Surely one could conceive of
such a scenario,
but is there
actually any evidence that manuscripts were changed or destroyed in
order to affirm the theology of the winners? Every one of the
examples Ehrman offers to support his theory can be explained on
other grounds.10 In
other words,
there
is no real, concrete evidence that the manuscripts we have of the
Gospels are actually the corrupted product of the theological
“winners” of the later Christian Church. But even
if, for
the
sake of argument, we were to concede the possibility that the
“orthodox” Church of the 4th and 5th Centuries
engaged in a
wide-spread conspiracy to destroy all the manuscripts that gave
witness to other than “orthodox” doctrines, can
anyone
actually
believe that such a conspiracy would be 100% effective? Surely some
manuscripts or scraps of manuscripts would have survived to bear
witness to the “original” text. Further, the
argument that
the
Gospels (particularly Mattithyahu) were originally written in a
Semitic language (Aramaic, Syriac, or Hebrew) and that their
subsequent translation into Greek brought wholesale corruption, does
not obtain. In regard to the subject at hand, that is, the virgin
conception of Yahushua, all but one 5th Century manuscript of the
Syriac Peshitta have the virgin conception plainly asserted by
Mattithyahu and Luke.11
And
if the
late copies of Mattithyahu in Hebrew12
offer
any evidence
of a supposed Hebrew original, they likewise all affirm the virgin
conception, using almost identical language with the Greek texts of
Mattithyahu 1.
So
the issue comes down to this: should we accept the Scriptures we
have, based as they are upon the preponderance of clear, objective
evidence, or dismiss the Scriptures on the basis of a conjectured
scenario of history? The answer, it seems to me, is clear. The
Scriptures we possess affirm the virgin conception without question,
and thus, so should we.
DID
THE EARLY
MESSIANIC SECTS DENY THE VIRGIN CONCEPTION
Several
early Messianic sects are known to have existed during the period of
the emerging Christian
Church,
that is, in the 2nd Century and later. We know of these sects only
through the writings of
the
“Church Fathers”, and they are most often
referenced under
the
names Ebionites and Nazarenes,
though
Origen may refer to the two groups as sects of the Ebionites.13
They are distinguished,
according
to
Origen, by the fact that one group denies the virgin conception while
the other affirms it. Eusebius give
us a similar notice,14
though Pritz suggests that Eusebius has
misunderstood and mixed his sources15
and that this confusion continued to be followed by other Church
Fathers who used the term “Ebionite” to refer to
all
"Jewish Christians." Pritz's concusion is that:
The
Nazarenes were distinct from the Ebionites and prior to them. In
fact, we have found that it is possible
that
there was a split in Nazarene ranks around the turn of the first
century. This split was either over a matter
of
christological doctrine or over leadership of the community. Out of
this split came the Ebionites, who
can
scarcely be separated from the Nazarenes on the basis of geography,
but who can be easily distinguished
from
the standpoint of Christology.16
Thus,
while one sect, the Ebionites, denied the deity of Yahushua and thus
His virgin conception,
the
Natsarenes, who (according to Pritz) were the “direct
descendants
of the first Yahudi (Jewish) believers in Jesus,” 17 affirmed
both the virgin
conception as well as the deity of
Yahushua. They likewise “seem to have had an embryonic,
developing
doctrine of the Ruakh haQodesh” in harmony with that of the
greater
Church in that era. They also accepted the apostleship of Paul and
his epistles as authoritative. In the works of the 4th Century Church
Fathers, the Nazarenes are never condemned for their beliefs, only
for their continued adherence to the Torah of Moses.Thus,
the idea that the messianic believers in the post-Apostolic era
denied the virgin conception is
not accurate. In fact,
the earliest such sect, the Nazarenes, were known to have affirmed
the virgin conception and the deity of Yahushua. Only later, a group
(or groups) who divided away from the Nazarenes, referred to by some
of the Church Fathers as Ebionites, was known for denying the virgin
conception of Yahushua, His deity, and rejection of Paul and his
epistles.
But
in the end, we do not base our belief in the virgin conception of
Yahushua upon the doctrinal
position
of various groups in the post-Apostolic eras. The clear teaching of
the Gospels on the matter forms the primary basis for our affirmation
of this important truth.
That is to say, the Scriptures themselves are the sole foundation
upon which we rest our beliefs.
DID
THE VIRGIN CONCEPTION ORIGINATE IN PAGAN RELIGIONS?
It
is not uncommon for those who deny the virgin conception of our
Messiah, Yahushua, to argue that the very notion of a virgin
conception itself is derived from pagan religions. But before we look
further into this argument, we should address its general viability.
Such a theory rests on a premise that is entirely untenable, namely,
that the Apostles who wrote the birth narratives of the Gospels, had,
for some unexplainable reason, accepted the pagan myths as true, and
utilized them to describe the conception of Yahushua. Now it is clear
that hundreds of years later, when the Christian Church had obtained
possession of the throne of the Caesars, pagan influences came in
like a flood. But to speculate that suchupon
one of several possibilities: either (1) that the early influx of
Gentiles into the believing community brought
with them
pagan ideas which the Yahudi believers accepted, or (2) that the the
Judaisms of the 1st Century, of which the early followers of Yahushua
were a part, had taken certain pagan ideas into their own beliefs to
such an extent that they formed an integral part of their basic
theology. Either of these premises, necessary to sustain the argument
that the pagan myths were the source for expressing the virgin
conception of Yahushua, is clearly unfounded. First, the Apostolic
Scriptures consistently teach that pagan beliefs and practices are
entirely incompatible with faith in Yahushua. Paul, in one of his
earliest epistles, writes concerning the well-known reputation of the
Thessalonian believers that they had “turned to
Yahweh from idols
to serve a living and true Elohim”
(1Thessalonians
1:9). Indeed,
the stance of the Jerusalem Council as recorded in Acts 15
makes it
clear that any association with idols or idolatrous practices stood
outside of the norm for the followers of Yahushua. Paul writes to the
Corinthians that idolators have no place in the kingdom of Elohim,
then immediately affirms, “and
such were some
of you” (1Corinthians
6:9–10, emphasis added).
Having become true
believers in Yahushua, the Corinthians were no longer led astray by
the deceptions of idolatry (1Corinthians 12:2). Thus, detachment from
paganism was at the bedrock of what constituted the faith and
theology of the Apostolic assembly.18 It
is entirely out of the question, then, that the Apostles themselves,
who penned the Gospel stories of Yahushua’s birth, would
have,
without second thought, incorporated into their story what they knew
to be pagan myths.19
Secondly,
it is well known and received that the Gospel stories relating the
birth of Yahushua are found
in
those sections of the Apostolic Scriptures that evidence a strong
Yahudi milieu, and that the earliest followers of Yahushua were
themselves Yahudim with a strong connection to their Yahudi history
and theology. Happily, in our day, the almost unanimous voice of
Scriptural scholarship admits this without reservation. To postulate,
then, that the birth narratives incorporate a piece from the most
degrading aspects of polytheistic mythologies is likewise to presume
that the Yahudaism out of which the Gospels were written had not only
accepted such pagan notions but had done so in such a way as to make
them normative. But this suggestion is preposterous since it runs
contrary to everything we know of the early Yahudaisms.
Since
the facts militate against any suggestion that early Yahudaisms had
so easily incorporated pagan ideas of a virgin conception into their
theologies, some have suggested that the idea of a virgin conception
was actually latent in early Yahudi beliefs, based upon the birth
stories of important figures (such as Yitshaq,
Shemuel, and Shimshon), or the Father/Son language of texts such as 2
Shemuel 7 and Psalm 2.
Support for this view is often sought from the
writings of Philo, a hellenistic Yahudi philosopher roughly
contemporary with Yahushua. With regard to the stories in the Tanakh
in which barren women are given the ability to conceive, surely these
demonstrate Yahweh’s ability to give children through
miraculous
means. But, for instance, in the case of Yitshaq, the paternity of
Abraham is clearly stated (Genesis
25:19). And in the birth
narratives of Shemuel and Shimshon, there is no indication whatsoever
that the conception of either was apart from the means of normal
procreation. Regarding the Father/Son texts of 2 Shemuel 7
and Psalm
2, these pertain not directly
to a physical birth but to the
coronation of a sovereign, utilizing well-known
Ancient Near Eastern motifs describing the relationship of a Great
Sovereign to his Vassal. And the same
may be said of those texts which describe Yahweh as the Father of
Yisra'el (for example, Exodus
4:22; Hosea 11:1). This
metaphoric
language describes the covenant relationship between Yahweh and His
chosen people, for in this covenant Yahweh is viewed as the Great Sovereign
and Yisra'el as His Vassal.
Some
have suggested that the writings of Philo offer a possible indication
that the concept of a virgin
conception was feasible within the Judaisms of his day. This is
because in some of Philo’s writings, he appears to teach that
Yitshaq, Ya'acob, and others were conceived by divine fiat apart from
an earthly father.20
However, to read
Philo’s words in this manner is entirely to miss his point
and
the
allegorical and mystical hermeneutic that he employs. His purpose in De
Cherubim,
for instance, is to show how wisdom and transcendent knowledge
is something implanted into the soul of man by Yahweh Himself.
Nowhere does he teach that the actual material body of anyone was the
result of a virginal conception. After surveying the relevant section
from De Cherubim,
Machen gives this summary:
Did
Philo really believe that Isaac and the other Old Testament
characters in question were actually born
without
human father by the direct agency of God? … To maintain such
a
view
would be to misunderstand
the
whole nature of Philo’s allegorical exegesis. As soon as one
attains the slightest insight into the allegorical
method
of using the Old Testament, one sees clearly that when Philo speaks
of a virgin birth or a divine
begetting
in the passages which are now in view, he is thinking of a divine
begetting of the soul of man,
or
a divine begetting of certain virtues in the soul of man, and not at
all of a divine begetting of human
beings
of flesh and blood who actually lived upon the earth.21
What
then of the pagan myths themselves? The myths most often brought
forward are those of
Perseus,
whose mother Danae conceived him by Zeus who rained gold upon her, or
of Hercules (Herakles), who was the child of the mortal woman Alcmene
and Zeus. These demigods, however, are not taken to be as close a
parallel as are the stories of historical personages such as Plato23
and Alexander the Great22
who were said to
have
been conceived by a god consorting with their respective mothers.
Josephus also reports a scandalous story involving a woman, Paulina,
who was deceived by Decius Mundas through the help of the priests of
Isis, into thinking that she was consorting with the god Anubis.24
Some have pointed to this notice by Yosephus as indicating the
credence given, even among the upper classes of Roman and Greek
society, to the stories of the union of mortal women with pagan gods.
To
those who claim that the idea of the virgin conception of our Messiah
derived from such pagan
myths,
a number of responses are in order. First, in none of these
mythologies are the mortal women stated to be virgins.25
The conception of the hero is simply said to be the product of
the gods. More important, however, is the obvious fact that in all of
these mythologies, the driving force for the union is the shear,
unabated sexual lust of the god for a mortal woman. It is unthinkable
that such myths, full as they are of immorality of the basest sort,
could have provided in the mind of any true Apostle a fitting
explanation for the birth of the Messiah. Yet those who suggest that
the pagan myths were the fountain from which the idea of a virgin
conception sprang require this very thing.
Secondly,
we should not be surprised to find in our world the counterfeit of
the real. Did not the magicians
of Egypt, through their demonic arts, counterfeit the first signs
given by Mosheh and Aharon to Pharaoh
(Exodus
7–8)?
Is not the deception of astrology based upon the very luminaries
Yahweh created to reveal His own esteem? Are not all false religions
manufactured in such a way so as to deceive by mimicking what only
Yahweh Himself can do and provide? It should not surprise us, then,
that the enemy would do all in his power to confound mankind by
inducing the writers of pagan myths to lampoon the miracle of the
incarnation in the most degrading fashion. But when the Gospel
accounts are compared to those counterfeit fabrications, it is clear
to any one of faith what is real and what is not; what is holy and
what is profane.
THE
VIRGIN CONCEPTION AND YAHUSHUA AS THE DAWIDIC MESSIAH
One
of the arguments often raised against the Gospels’ record of
the
virgin conception is the question of Yahushua’s legitimate
claim
to
Dawidic lineage. Since the Messiah is clearly prophesied to be from
the house of Dawid,26
anyone
making a
claim to be the Messiah would therefore need to be from that line.
The virgin conception, some have maintained, makes it impossible for
Yahushua to claim Dawidic lineage since such lineage came through
one’s father. There are, however, a number of important
answers
to
this line of reasoning.
First,
it is clear that in some cases, one’s tribal connection could
be
through the mother. The daughters of Zelophechad are an example.
Having no son, the inheritance of the father is given to his
daughters and the tribal inheritance passed through them to their
sons.27 But
was
Miriam from the tribe of Yahudah
(Judah)?
Even
from the early centuries of the Christian Church, some have
maintained that Luke 1:27 assigns
Miriam
to the “descendants of Dawid,”28
understanding the phrase to describe Miriam
rather than Yoseph:
Now
in the sixth month the messenger Gabriel was sent from Elohim to a
city in Galil called Natsareth, to a virgin
engaged
to a man whose name was Yoseph, of the descendants of Dawid; and the
virgin’s name was Miriam.
(Luke
1:26–27)
It
is possible that all of the descriptions apply to Miriam in this
text: (1) virgin, (2) engaged to Yoseph, (3) of
the
descendants of Dawid, (4) named Miriam. But the fact that the term
“virgin” is repeated in the final clause would
strongly
suggest
that “of
the descendants
of Dawid” describes
Yoseph, not Miriam.
For if the phrase were descriptive of Miriam, then it would be more
nature for the final clause to read “and her
name was Miriam.”
The addition of “virgin” is necessary since the
former
clause
related to Yoseph. Thus, the argument that tribal lineage could be
traced through the woman, true as it may be, most likely does not
apply in the case of Yahushua.
Indeed,
it is clearly the purpose of Mattithyahu to trace the lineage of
Yahushua through Yoseph, for he begins with Yahushua as the
“son
of
Dawid” and ends with Yoseph the husband of Miriam. The fact
that
Mattithyahu emphasizes three periods of 14 generations (1:17)
may
also signal his intent to show that Yahushua was in the line of
Dawid, since 14 is the numerical equivalent of Dawid’s name.29
But
could Yahushua claim Yoseph’s lineage if he were not, in
fact,
his
natural father? The answer is
“yes,”
and this through adoption. The fact that Yoseph rather than Miriam
names Yahushua (Mattithyahu 1:25)
signals his legal position as father to Yahushua. Adoption in the
Ancient Near East was well known and gave
the adopted
person clear legal rights, including inheritance.30
Further, that adoption of orphans was known in ancient times
is clear from historical as well as archaeological records. Leon
lists four inscriptions from Yahudi tombs in ancient Rome to this
effect.31 R. Shimon ben
Pazi (3rd Century Amora), in his midrash on 1 Chronicles 1:14 is
recorded as stating: “… anyone who raises an
orphan boy or
girl
in his house, Scripture considers it as if he bore him.”32
Likewise, in the midrash,33
the statement
is made (pertaining to Yisra'el viewed as a orphan), “he that
brings up a child is called a father, and not he that gives
birth.”
This
accords with the words of Luke
3:23, “When He
began His ministry,
Yahushua Himself was about thirty years of age, being, as was
supposed, the son of Yoseph….” The English word
“supposed”
gives the sense of something perceived but not true, and the Greek
word nomizo which it translates can
have this meaning.
But the word
can also describe what is generally held to be true or customary. We
could just as well translate the phrase “he was, as commonly
held,
the son of Yoseph,”34 meaning that Yoseph was
recognized by his community as the legal father of Yahushua. Thus,
from a legal status, Yahushua was the rightful heir of Yoseph. And it
is therefore in no way contrary to the message of the virgin
conception that Miriam and Yoseph are called His parents.35
Such
a legal arrangement is by no means foreign to the Torah. In the laws
of the Lewite, the children fathered by a deceased
husband’s brother are reckoned as bona
fide heirs of the deceased even
though they did come from him through procreation. Likewise, the
adoption of Ephrayim and Menashsheh by Ya'acob, through which they
were granted the status of sons rather than grandsons and given their
share in Ya'acob’s inheritance, illustrates the point that
through
legal declaration, a person may be granted all the rights and
privileges of sonship even without direct physical generation from
the father.
But
there is an additional aspect of Yahushua’s relationship to
Yoseph
that we must mention. For though
Yahushua was legally the adoptive son of Yoseph, He was so in a
unique way. In normal adoptions, the child is actually the offspring
of a human father and thus the “birth father” is
distinguished
from the “adoptive father.” Not so in the case of
Yahushua.
The
only human father that could lay legal claim to Him as a father was
Yoseph. And it would therefore be equally true that from an
historical viewpoint, it could have only been through Yoseph that
Yahushua could be reckoned as in the line of Dawid. Like Sovereign
Dawid himself, who was granted the promise of an eternal dynasty not
through lineage but by Yahweh’s sovereign choosing and
appointment,
so Yahushua was chosen and sent to be the fulfillment of that
promise.
In
fact, though the Gospels record that Yahushua was often called the
“son of Dawid,”36
they offer not one instance in which His detractors contest His
Dawidic lineage. Surely those who wanted to disprove the claims of
His Messiahship could have easily done so if His Dawidic lineage was
openly suspect. That they did not, even at His final trial, fits the
general tenor of the Gospels, namely, that Yahushua’s Dawidic
connection was accepted within the Yahudi community of His day, even
by those who were opposed to Him.37
WHY
IS SHAUL SILENT ABOUT THE VIRGIN CONCEPTION OF YAHUSHUA?
A
valid question that arises in the study of the virgin conception is
why its mention is missing from
the
Shauline epistles. If this teaching were so foundational for the
early Christology of the Apostles,
would
we not expect Shaul to include it in his epistles? At first hearing,
this question may seem to offer strong support to those who claim the
virgin conception was the brainchild of the later Christian Church.
But on further reflection, this argument this
argument loses its force.
First,
while it is evident that Shaul nowhere mentions the virgin conception
directly, he clearly proffers a Messialogy that accords with the
Gospel accounts, one in which the pre-existence of Yahushua is well
affirmed. He writes in Galatians
4:4 that “Elohim
sent forth His
Son,” and in Philippians
2:6–11 he
incorporates a confessional
hymn that explicitly sets forth the eternal pre-existence of the
Messiah before His appearance as a babe in Beth Lehem. In
2Corinthians 8:9 Paul portrays Messiah as “rich”
yet
becoming
poor for the sake of those He would save. Surely the pre-existence of
the Messiah and the virgin conception are two realities cut from the
same theological cloth.
Secondly,
Shaul’s epistles generally contain very little historical
information about the life of Yahushua. He admits to
having
seen the Messiah (1 Corinthians
9:1) and receiving his
apostolic
office directly from Him (Galatians
1:12). The closest he comes
to
recounting an historical event of Yahushua’s life, however,
is
when
he very briefly retells the story of His final Pesach. Yet even this,
he says, was a truth handed on to him by others (1 Corinthians
11:23–24). He
regularly speaks of Yahushua’s
death and resurrection, sometimes adding His ascension and
intercession (Romans 8:34),
but he always focuses on the salvation
accomplished by these momentous events rather than giving narrative
descriptions. He never describes even one of Yahushua’s
miracles,
nor does he mention the wilderness temptation or the transfiguration,
nor any of the other significant events we recorded
about Yahushua in the Gospels.
But then why would we expect him to? The very disciples of the
Master, themselves eyewitnesses to these events, were still alive in
Shaul’s day and were themselves engaged in recording
Yahushua’s
life and teachings. It would have been presumptuous for Shaul to
think that he needed to supplement the writings of Mattithyahu or
Yachanan when he had no first-hand knowledge of the events himself.
Moreover, capable writers such as Mark and Luke, Shaul’s own
associates, were busy collecting the testimony of the disciples and
compiling them into the inspired texts we know as their Gospels.
Rather than seeming odd, Shaul’s silence regarding the birth
of
Yahushua and the virgin conception is perfectly in line with the
general character of his epistles. Demanding that Shaul speak of the
virgin conception is to require of him something he never intended to
do. He doubtlessly left this to others he deemed more qualified for
the task.38
Thirdly,
the very question why Shaul never explicitly mentions the virgin
conception may itself be
based
upon a faulty assumption, namely, that the virgin conception was
widely known in the lifetime of Yahushua and the years immediately
following. Once the Gospels were finished and widely circulated,
surely this was known and received. Historically, however, only
Miriam and Yoseph were recipients of this most private reality. And
even if we should presume that Miriam confided in her cousin Elisheba
(and the text does not explicitly state that she did), it seems
probable that she would have done so because Elisheba was a close and
trusted relative and friend. We know from Luke 1:19, 51
that Miriam
was more private than public in her demeanor,
“treasuring”
these
things in her heart. The birth of Yahushua took place in
Yahudah, far from the eventual home of Miriam and Yoseph in
Natsareth, so there is no reason to think that the
events
surrounding the birth were widely known. Even when returning to
Natsareth, the threats of Herod may have offered good reason for
Miriam and Yoseph to remain silent about Yahushua’s birth.
And it
seems probable that Yoseph died before Yahushua entered into His
public ministry since he is never mentioned in connection with it.
Likewise, Elisheba was old when she bore Yachanan the Immerser, so
Miriam may have been left as the sole keeper of the secret of
Yahushua’s miraculous conception. We might rightly ask, then,
what
would have prompted her to divulge that secret?
Would
it have been in accord with the character of Miriam…that
after
she
had undergone experiences of the
most
mysterious kind and submitted to a command which ran counter to every
instinct of her soul, she
would
proceed to engage in idle gossip about the matter, thereby subjecting
herself and her qodesh child to the
basest
slander? Some women might have acted so, but hardly the one who “kept
all these sayings, pondering
them
in her heart.”39
We
may well speculate that it was not until after the final events of
Yahushua’s life; after Miriam’s soul was pierced by
standing at
the execution stake of her son; after the unspeakable joy in the
victory of His resurrection and outpouring of the Ruakh haQodesh at
Shavuot of that year, that Miriam realized it was time to speak. Now
that the claims of Yahushua had been vindicated, rather than being
fodder for wagging tongues the truth of the virgin conception of
Yahushua would be understood in light of the corroborating events.
Perhaps Miriam first confided in her closest friends, requiring some
time for the story to find its way to the ears of the Apostles and
other leaders of The Way. But when the story was finally told, there
is no indication that it aroused any opposition from those who were
already disciples of the Master.
Finally,
an argument based upon the silence of Shaul really tells us nothing.
While arguments from silence may at times help to solidify more
substantive arguments, taken by itself it is very weak indeed. There
is no reason to think that Shaul’s silence on the matter in
anyway
contradicts or controverts the clear message of the Gospels regarding
the virgin conception.
DOES
THE VIRGIN CONCEPTION MATTER?
Some
might wonder why the virgin conception of our Messiah even matters in
the long run. Isn’t it
enough
just to accept Yahushua as the promised Messiah of Yisra'el and
Savior of sinners? Does it really matter whether His conception
within the womb of Miriam was the result of the Ruakh haQodesh or of
Yoseph? Yes, it matters. First and foremost because the Scriptures
state this to be the case, and do so unequivocally.
Our
belief rests upon the bedrock of divine revelation and so we must
take such revelation seriously. If Yahweh by His Spirit inspired the
words of Mattithyahu and Luke (and He did), then these words are
eternally true and relevant, and to disregard them or excise them
from the text as unworthy interpolations is to begin an unravelling
of the Scriptures that will not end until they are entirely
irrelevant.
Secondly,
the virgin conception, as noted in the opening of this article,
emphasizes a Christology that begins “from above.”
Far from
explaining the mystery of the incarnation, however, the virgin
conception introduces and confirms its inexplicable nature. It does
so by signaling that the “Man
Messiah Yahushua” (1
Timothy 5:2)
did not have His beginning in the womb of Miriam. That which was
formed in her by the creative power of the Ruakh was none other than
the eternal Son of Elohim. Yeshayahu’s promise of a
“sign” is
therefore powerfully fulfilled in the historical fact of the virgin
conception, and regardless of the difficulties that Yeshayahu 7:14
presents to the modern exegete,40
in
Mattithyahu’s mind it foretold the stupendous miracle that
would
mark Yahushua as uniquely different than anyone else born within
earth’s history.
This
is precisely Mark’s point when he records the words of the
messenger to Miriam (Lk 1:35):
The
messenger answered and said to her, “The Ruakh haQodesh will
come
upon you, and the power of the Most High
will
overshadow you; and for that reason the Qodesh Child shall be called
the Son of Elohim.”
Thus,
the miraculous conception was to signal that the Child would be at
once human and the “Son
of Elohim,” that He
is El with us
(Immanuel, Yeshayahu 7:14),
Miraculous One who Counsels (pele’
yo’eitz), El who is
Victor (El gibor),
Owner of Eternity (avi-yad),
Prince of Peace (sar
shalom) (Yeshayahu
9:6[5]).
Thirdly,
while the virgin birth speaks to the messiahship of Yahushua (tying
Him back to the
prophecies
of Yeshayahu and thus to His divine nature), it likewise is essential
for understanding His humanity. For though He was born of a virgin,
He still was, in every way, “born of a woman”
(Galatians
4:4), a
phrase used byShaul to emphasize the true humanity of Yahushua. Yet
in Shauline theology, the solidarity of the human race with Adam as
the head of the race resulted in two realities: the imputation of sin
to all of Adam’s offspring (Romans
5:18) and the imparting of
the
sinful nature to all who proceeded from him (Romans 5:12;
Ephesians
2:3). This raises a question
which is counterpart to the issue
of
Yahushua’s divine nature. For on the one hand we wonder how
One
who
is fully human could, at the same time, be divine. But the question
may also be stated this way: could a person be fully human without at
the same time possessing a sinful nature? The answer, of course, is
that the sinful nature is not integral to the human nature, for Adam
was created as completely human without at first possessing a sinful
nature. Granted, he had the ability to sin, but before the fall into
sin he was still a human being in every sense. So a sinful nature is
not a necessary component of being human.
More
to the point is the fact that Adam stood as the representative of the
human race, his
disobedience,
and the death that resulted thereby, being imputed to all of his
progeny: “…through
one transgression there resulted condemnation
to all men…”
(Romans
5:18). From a strictly
theological
standpoint, Yahushua could not be the progeny of Adam in the sense of
having participated in the penalty of death that resulted from his
transgression. In this sense, the virgin conception isolated Yahushua
not only from the sin imputed to those related to Adam as the
appointed representative of the race, but also from inheriting from
Adam a sinful nature. In a mysterious and unexplainable fashion,
Yahushua was born in a way similar to Adam’s being created:
both
were the result of divine fiat apart from the procreative act of man.
As such, Yahushua was born without a sinful nature and stands as the “last
Adam,” being
the righteous representative for all who would
be saved by Him.
So
also it is written, “The first man, Adam, became a living
soul.”
The
last Adam became a life-giving spirit.
(1Corinthians
15:45)
1 “Our
starting point must lie in the question
about the Man
Yahushua; only in this way can we ask about his divinity.”
Wolfhart
Pannenberg, Jesus
– God and Man (SCM
Press, 1968), p. 35.
2 For
a discussion of
the textual variants of this verse and the strength of the reading monogenes
theos (“the
only One who is God”) over the textus receptus monogenes
huios (“the only One
who is Son”), see my The
Messiah: An Introduction to Christology (TorahResource,
2007), pp. 114–117.
3 This
verse (Mark 1:1) contains a textual issue. In
some
manuscripts, the phrase “Son of Elohim” is not
found. But
the
strong weight of the manuscript evidence supports its inclusion. C.
E. B. Cranfield gives his view: “There are very strong
reasons
for
regarding it as original.” (C. E. B. Cranfield, The
Gospel
According to
Mark (Cambridge
Univ Press, 1959), p. 38.
4 It
is common to speak of the “virgin
birth,” but
obviously, the real miracle was the fact that Miriam became pregnant
without sexual intercourse. Thus, the “virgin
conception”
speaks
more directly to the reality of this miracle.
5 “Yoseph,
by exercising the father’s
right to name the
child, acknowledges Yahushua and thus becomes the legal father of the
child.” R. E. Brown, The
Birth of the Messiah (Doubleday,
1979), p. 139.
6 See
A. Kamesar, “The Virgin of Is 7:14: the
Philological
Argument from the Second to the Fifth Century,” JTS 41,
(1990), 51–75.
7 Donald
MacLeod, The
Person of Christ (IVP,
1998), p. 26 writes: “…while Yeshayahu 7:14f
contains
enough
problems to drive any exegete to distraction, the reference to a
miraculous birth is probably the one certainty in the
passage.”
8 Published
by Oxford Univ Press, 1993.
9 The
Orthodox
Corruption of Scripture,
pp. 54-55. In one early witness, a 5th Century Syriac
manuscript, found at St. Catherine’s Monastery on Mt. Sinai
(sys),
Mattithyahu 1:16 reads “…Yoseph, who was betrothed
to a
virgin
Miriam, begat Yahushua who is called Messiah.” Ehrman, along
with
the vast majority of textual scholars, agrees that this must have
simply been a scribal error, for if a scribe had intended to excise
the miraculous conception of Yahushua from this text, he hardly would
have included the adjective “virgin” to describe
Miriam.
See
Ehrman, Ibid. Virtually all other manuscripts that contain the birth
narrative explicitly state the virgin conception without variants.
10 For
an example of a scholarly critique of some of
Ehrman’s
favorite “proofs,” see Daniel B. Wallace,
“The Gospel
According
to Bart,” available at
http://www.bible.org/page.php?page_id=4000
(accessed 2/20/07) and also available in pdf format at
http://www.torahresource.com.
11 See
note 9 above.
12
I.e.,
the Even Bohan (also called the Shem Tov), the
DuTillet,
and the Münster texts.
13 See
Origen, Contra
Celsus, 5.61
who writes of the “two-fold sect of Ebionites, who either
acknowledge with us that Jesus was born of a virgin, or deny this,
and maintain that he was begotten like other human
beings….” See
the discussion of Ray A. Pritz, Nazarene
Jewish
Christianity (Magnas,
1992), pp. 20–23. Other references to the Ebionites and
Nazarenes
in thewritings of the Church Fathers and Historians are: Justin, Dialogue
with Trypho 47; Irenaeus, Against
Heresies 1.26.2;
Hippolytus, Refutation
of All Heresies, 7.22;
Eusebius, Ecclesiastical
History, 3.27; 6.17;
Ephiphanius, Panarion 30.1.1;
2.1– 8;
30:3, 7; 30:16.1; 30.26.1–2; 30.34.6.
14 Ecclesiastical
History 3.27.2–6;
cf. Pritz, Ibid., pp. 23–24; Arland J. Hultgren and Seven A.
Haggmark eds., The
Earliest Christian Heretics (Fortress,
1996), pp. 119–20.
15 Ray
Pritz, Op. cit., p. 27.
16 Pritz,
Op. cit., p. 108.
17 Ibid.18 Cf.
1
Corinthians 10:7, 14; 2 Corinthians 6:16; Ephesians 5:5; 1 Kepha
4:1–6; 1 Yachanan 5:21.
19 Furthermore,
if for the sake of argument, one were
to admit
the possibility that the polytheistic mythologies of the pagan
religions formed the basis for the virgin conception in the Gospels,
one would be at a loss to explain why such paganism remained confined
to this doctrine alone. Would it not be reasonable to presume that if
such pagan beliefs formed the basis for the virgin conception that
they also influenced many other teachings of the Apostles? If
paganism is allowed to be the basis for the virgin conception, then
one wonders why it is not also seen as the basis for the
substitutionary death of Yahushua for His people; for the inspiration
of Scripture; for the miracles recorded in the Gospels; for the
resurrection and ascension of Yahushua; and for His return and the
consummation of the kingdom, set as it is in apocalyptic language.
For aspects of each of these essential teachings can find some
parallel in the pagan myths. My point is simply that if paganism is
sought as the source for the virgin conception in the Gospels, there
is little reason to accept any of the Gospel accounts as
theologically credible.
20 For
example, see De
Cherubim 40–51.
21 J.
Greshem Machen, The Virgin
Birth (Harper
& Row,
1930), p. 303.
22 Diogenes
Laertius, iii.2, see Origen, Contra
Celsum i.37
23 Reported
by
Plutarch, Vit. Alex. ii.2–4.
See Perrin,
“Plutarch’s Lives” in The
Loeb Classical Library, vol.
vii.
24 History
of the Jews, 18.3.4.
25 The
fact that Justin Martyr uses the term
“virgin” when
referencing these stories should be understood within his use of them
for apologetic reasons (even if
such use was doubtlessly shortsighted). See J. Gresham Machen, The
Virgin Birth, pp.
335–36.
26 2
Shemuel 7; 23:5, cp. Psalm 89; Yeshayahu
9:1–7; 11:1–9;
Yirmeyahu 23:5; 33:15; Yehezqel
34:23–24; 37:24; Hoshea 3:5; Psalm 110:1–4; 132:11;
Mattithyahu
22:42; Mark 12:35; Yachanan 7:42.
27 Numbers
27:1–7; 36:1–12; 1 Chronicles
7:14–19.
28 Ignatius, Ephesians,
xviii;
Origen, Dialogues, xliii,
xlv, c, cxx;
Chyrsostom, Hom. Mattithyahu, ii.
29 4=d,
6=f,
4=d, giving
a total of
14. Of the 1080 the name Dawid is found in the
Tanakh, the majority of times (794) it is spelled dfd rather
than difd
30 See
Frederick W. Knobloch,
“Adoption” in The
Anchor Bible Dictionary,
6 vols. (Doubleday, 1.76–79.
31 Harry
J. Leon, The Jews of Ancient
Rome (Hendrickson,
1995), pp. 232–33.
32 b.Megilah 13a.
33 Mid.
Rab. Exodus 46.5.
34 See BDAG,
“nomizo,”
p.
675.
35 Luke
2:27, 41, 43.
36 Matt
1:20; 9:27; 15:22; 20:30-31; 21:9, 15; Mark
10:47-48;
Luke 3:31; 18:38-39.
37 The
statements of some Pharisees in Yachanan 8:41,
that “we
are not born of fornication,” may not be an underhanded slur
on
Yahushua’s paternity (as is often thought) but a continuation
of
their degrading use of “Samaritan” to describe Him
(cf. v.
48). A
common line of argumentation against the Samaritans was to call their
genealogy into question as well as to charge them with dabbling in
magical/demonic arts.
38 I
am not suggesting by this line of argumentation
that the
Gospels were in their final, canonical form in Paul’s time,
nor
that they were circulating in
this form that early. What I am saying is that the process of
gathering and preserving the history and teachings of Yahushua was
certainly underway in Paul’s lifetime, and it seems most
reasonable
to presume that he was aware of this on-going enterprise. See David
Wenham, Paul: Follower
of Jesus or Founder of Christianity (Eerdmans,
1995).
39 J.
Gresham Machen, The Virgin
Birth, Op.
cit., p. 264.
40 For
much help in understanding Yeshayahu 7:14, see
Michael L.
Brown, Answering Jewish
Objections to Jesus, vol. 3
(Baker,
2003), pp. 17–32.
|